Key lessons Korea should learn from US midterm elections

The U.S. midterm elections have delivered a decisive setback to President Donald Trump and the Republican Party. Democrats have captured both the House of Representatives and the Senate, fundamentally changing the political landscape in Washington.

Yet the significance of this defeat should not be exaggerated. Trump has suffered a serious political setback, not a political death sentence. The Republican Party has lost control of Congress but remains a powerful political force. For Korea, misunderstanding this distinction could have serious consequences.

Three issues contributed substantially to the Republican defeat: the war with Iran, concerns about corruption and the continuing struggle of ordinary Americans to afford everyday necessities.

The Iran war has become a major political liability. However, dissatisfaction with the war should not automatically be interpreted as opposition to its strategic objectives. Most Americans recognize Iran as a serious security threat but question the administration’s execution, costs and strategy for ending the conflict. Others oppose the war itself.

As a former soldier, I believe military action must be judged not only by its justification but also by its objectives, execution and political consequences. Winning battles does not necessarily produce strategic success.

Affordability has also influenced voters. Housing, food, energy, health care and declining purchasing power affect everyday life. Regardless of Washington’s economic explanations, Americans judge their government by what they experience.

Corruption represents another serious concern. Allegations involving conflicts of interest, personal enrichment and political favoritism have raised questions about accountability. Particularly troubling is the perceived scale, blatancy and apparent normalization of questionable conduct. Not every allegation constitutes proven wrongdoing, but the perception that political leaders operate under different rules is damaging.

Nevertheless, Koreans should understand that Republican rejection does not mean Democratic endorsement. Many Americans voted against the administration’s performance rather than out of renewed confidence in Democratic leadership.

One encouraging development is that America’s constitutional system continues to function.

Trump has acknowledged the election results and indicated a willingness to work with Democrats, although confrontation is inevitable. His acceptance of the outcome is important, even if genuine cooperation remains uncertain.

The incoming Democratic Congress will possess considerable investigative and legislative authority. Hearings, investigations, budget confrontations and challenges to executive decisions are likely. Impeachment may become part of the political debate, but removing a president requires a two-thirds Senate majority, making conviction difficult without substantial Republican support.

Legislative stalemate appears more likely than dramatic political transformation. However, political deadlock does not necessarily mean democratic failure. America’s constitutional system deliberately divides authority to prevent excessive concentrations of power. The coming confrontation will test whether political leaders respect those boundaries.

How Washington conducts and concludes its Iran operations will provide important lessons for America’s allies and adversaries alike. Iranian leaders may interpret the Democratic victory as evidence that Trump is politically finished and American pressure will diminish. That would be a dangerous miscalculation.

Trump retains substantial presidential authority, particularly in foreign affairs and national security. Congressional opposition may complicate military policy, but it does not automatically prevent further action. Indeed, political setbacks sometimes encourage leaders to demonstrate resolve. This does not mean Trump will necessarily escalate the conflict.

Nevertheless, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps could remain a potential American military target. Tehran should also recognize that American concerns about Iran extend beyond Trump and the Republican Party. Mistaking political division for strategic paralysis could prove costly.

For Korea, the message is straightforward: Do not mistake a midterm election for the end of Trump or the Republican Party.

Korean politicians, commentators and policymakers should resist the temptation to celebrate Republican losses or ridicule the U.S. president. Such behavior would be strategically shortsighted.

More importantly, Koreans must remember that the U.S. is home to millions of decent, hardworking, patriotic citizens who are deeply proud of their country. They may disagree bitterly over politics, but their patriotism deserves respect.

Criticizing a U.S. president is one thing. Insulting the American people is quite another.

Koreans should also examine their own political shortcomings. Our country has experienced corruption, polarization, political scandals and abuses of power. We are hardly qualified to lecture Americans about the imperfections of democracy.

There is a Korean proverb about a dog covered in filth criticizing another dog for having a little dirt on its coat. Americans have a similar expression: “People who live in glass houses should not throw stones.” Before pointing fingers at Washington, Koreans should examine their own political conduct.

We must also remember that these decent Americans are the people whose fathers, mothers, sons and daughters served, fought and died alongside Koreans defending our freedom. Their sacrifices deserve respect regardless of political affiliation.

Temporary political disagreements must never become expressions of national arrogance or ingratitude.

The Korea-U.S. alliance is not a relationship between one Korean administration and one U.S. political party. It is a partnership between two nations whose security and prosperity remain closely connected.

Seoul must therefore maintain productive relationships with the Trump administration, Democratic congressional leaders and influential Republicans.

This is especially important as both countries confront North Korea’s nuclear threat, defense burden-sharing, wartime operational control transition and military modernization. Koreans are entitled to personal opinions about American politics. However, public officials and influential figures must distinguish between personal preferences and statements that could damage national interests.

The midterm elections demonstrate that American voters can hold their leaders accountable. They also show that military decisions, economic hardship and concerns about government integrity carry electoral consequences. But America’s political divisions have not disappeared. They have entered a new institutional environment.

For Korea, the appropriate response is neither celebration nor alarm. It is strategic patience, diplomatic discipline, humility and respect for the American people. The Republican Party has been defeated, but it has not disappeared.

Above all, Americans deserve our respect. Alliances must remain stronger than the political fortunes of individual leaders. In diplomacy, knowing when to keep one’s opinions to oneself can be just as important as knowing what to say.

Chun In-bum is the former commander of the Republic of Korea Army Special Warfare Command.