{"id":8313,"date":"2026-10-13T02:11:23","date_gmt":"2026-10-13T02:11:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sotnews.agency\/?p=8313"},"modified":"2026-10-13T02:11:23","modified_gmt":"2026-10-13T02:11:23","slug":"ethiopias-tigray-war-where-do-the-uae-and-saudi-arabia-stand-news","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sotnews.agency\/?p=8313","title":{"rendered":"Ethiopia\u2019s Tigray war: Where do the UAE and Saudi Arabia stand? | News"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Addis Ababa, Ethiopia \u2013 <\/strong>As renewed fighting in Ethiopia\u2019s Tigray region threatens to destabilise the Horn of Africa, public backing by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of Ethiopia\u2019s federal government and Saudi Arabia\u2019s record of regional diplomacy are drawing scrutiny.<\/p>\n

Both Gulf powers have strategic interests in the Horn of Africa, but their roles differ. The UAE has publicly backed Ethiopia\u2019s government while Saudi Arabia has previously helped broker an Ethiopia-Eritrea rapprochement and was reported to have offered to mediate between the two countries in 2025.<\/p>\n

The renewed fighting threatens to unravel the November 2022 Pretoria peace agreement, which ended a war between Ethiopia\u2019s federal government and Tigrayan forces. As tensions with Eritrea add to the risks of a wider confrontation, the positions of Abu Dhabi and Riyadh offer a window into the interests of external powers in the crisis.<\/p>\n

The UAE: Clear alignment, unproven leverage<\/h2>\n

On September 25, the UAE condemned attacks by the Tigray People\u2019s Liberation Front (TPLF) and its allied armed groups against Ethiopian federal forces, the seizure of airports in Tigray and the escalation in the neighbouring regions of Afar and Amhara.<\/p>\n

Sheikh Shakhboot bin Nahyan Al Nahyan, the UAE minister of state, expressed solidarity with Ethiopia\u2019s government and people, reaffirmed support for the country\u2019s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and called for an end to hostilities, the protection of civilians and adherence to the Pretoria Agreement.<\/p>\n

The statement made Abu Dhabi\u2019s public position clear: It backs Ethiopia\u2019s federal government while calling for de-escalation and dialogue. It did not establish whether the UAE was providing military assistance or had secured commitments from the parties to end the fighting.<\/p>\n

The UAE also has commercial interests across the Horn of Africa. Dubai Ports World (DP World) operates Berbera port in Somaliland, and a shipping route launched in 2025 connects the port with Jebel Ali in the UAE, providing an additional corridor for cargo serving inland destinations, such as Ethiopia. Landlocked since Eritrea\u2019s independence in 1993, Ethiopia relies heavily on Djibouti for access to international trade.<\/p>\n

These commercial links help explain Abu Dhabi\u2019s interest in regional stability and its relationship with Addis Ababa. However, they do not establish that the UAE can influence the TPLF, persuade Eritrea to de-escalate or change Ethiopia\u2019s military calculations.<\/p>\n

The extent to which Abu Dhabi can use its relationship with the federal government to encourage a political response to the conflict remains unclear.<\/p>\n

Saudi Arabia: Diplomatic experience, uncertain engagement<\/h2>\n

Saudi Arabia has yet to publicly announce its position on the latest fighting in Tigray.<\/p>\n

The kingdom has not publicly commented on the renewed war, according to an October 1 analysis by Critical Threats, although it undertook diplomatic efforts earlier this year to reduce tensions between Ethiopia\u2019s federal government and the TPLF.<\/p>\n

Saudi Arabia has previously sought to mediate between Ethiopia and Eritrea. In November 2025, Chatham House reported that sources said Riyadh had offered to mediate between the two countries amid rising tensions over maritime access and regional security.<\/p>\n

A June 2026 analysis by Germany\u2019s SWP think tank said previous Saudi mediation efforts had failed, partly because negotiations did not address Ethiopia\u2019s interest in the Eritrean port of Assab.<\/p>\n

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A Saudi navy frigate sails alongside US 5th Fleet ships during operations to support security in the Red Sea, where rising tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea have raised concerns about wider regional stability [File: Reuters]<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The kingdom\u2019s broader regional alignment also matters. An August 2026 analysis by the Soufan Center described Saudi Arabia and Egypt as backing Eritrea in opposition to Ethiopia\u2019s ambitions for Red Sea access.<\/p>\n

This is an assessment of regional alignment, however, not evidence that Saudi Arabia is directly providing military support to Eritrea or the TPLF in the current fighting.<\/p>\n

Saudi Arabia has a strong interest in Red Sea security, a vital corridor for international shipping and its own oil exports. Whether Riyadh will take a more public diplomatic role as tensions escalate remains unclear.<\/p>\n

Egypt\u2019s rivalry with Ethiopia adds to regional tensions<\/h2>\n

Egypt\u2019s role in the crisis is shaped by its longstanding dispute with Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and its growing ties with Eritrea.<\/p>\n

Cairo has also stressed that responsibility for the governance and security of the Red Sea rests with countries bordering the waterway, a position shared by Asmara. The issue has added to regional tensions as Ethiopia seeks reliable access to the sea.<\/p>\n

In September, Ethiopia\u2019s army chief, Field Marshal Birhanu Jula, accused Egypt and Sudan of supporting armed groups fighting the federal government, including the Tigray People\u2019s Liberation Front (TPLF).<\/p>\n

His remarks, reported by Al Jazeera on September 28, did not provide evidence substantiating the accusation. Egypt\u2019s Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Nader Zaki, subsequently reaffirmed Cairo\u2019s commitment to state sovereignty and non-interference, rejecting suggestions that it had departed from those principles.<\/p>\n

He did not directly address the specific allegation of Egyptian support for the TPLF.<\/p>\n

Egypt\u2019s relationship with Eritrea has nevertheless become an important part of the regional picture. President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi met Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki in Cairo on June 8, 2026.<\/p>\n

According to Egypt\u2019s presidency, the talks covered bilateral cooperation, developments in the Horn of Africa and Red Sea security.<\/p>\n

The two leaders also stressed the importance of coordination to maintain regional stability. The meeting highlighted closer cooperation between Cairo and Asmara, but did not establish that either country was involved in the renewed fighting in Tigray.<\/p>\n

For Cairo, the dispute with Ethiopia extends beyond Tigray to the Nile and the balance of power in the Horn of Africa.<\/p>\n

Its relations with Eritrea and its disagreements with Addis Ababa form part of the wider regional context, but they are not evidence of direct Egyptian involvement in the renewed conflict. Whether these regional relationships will affect the course of the fighting remains uncertain.<\/p>\n

From Tigray to a wider regional crisis<\/h2>\n

The risks extend beyond Tigray. Ethiopia\u2019s pursuit of maritime access has become a source of tension with Eritrea, whose Red Sea coastline includes the port of Assab. Addis Ababa argues that reliable access to the sea is a national priority while Asmara rejects any threat to its sovereignty.<\/p>\n

Ethiopia has accused Eritrea of sending troops across the border and supporting armed groups. Eritrea denies the allegations and has called on the United Nations Security Council to intervene. The allegations remain contested, but deteriorating relations have raised the stakes of renewed fighting in northern Ethiopia.<\/p>\n

A wider confrontation could put more civilians at risk, complicate humanitarian access and disrupt regional trade and security. It would also test whether external partners could encourage restraint without appearing to endorse either side\u2019s military objectives.<\/p>\n

The UAE\u2019s close ties with Addis Ababa could provide a channel for diplomatic engagement while Saudi Arabia\u2019s record of regional diplomacy offers a possible opening for renewed talks. However, the available public evidence does not establish that either country is currently leading an initiative to contain the crisis.<\/p>\n

Influence must be measured by outcomes<\/h2>\n

The UAE and Saudi Arabia should not be cast as pursuing opposing strategies simply because one has publicly backed Ethiopia\u2019s federal government while the other\u2019s current position is less visible. Their interests and diplomatic approaches differ, but the evidence does not show that either has decisive influence over the fighting.<\/p>\n

Their contribution should be assessed by whether they can help secure concrete steps towards de-escalation, renewed political dialogue and a reduction in tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Public statements, commercial interests and past diplomatic achievements may create opportunities for engagement, but they are not substitutes for progress on the ground.<\/p>\n

The Pretoria Agreement remains the framework for a political settlement in Tigray, yet renewed fighting underscores the difficulty of sustaining peace while underlying disputes persist. A durable settlement will depend primarily on the parties themselves. External partners could contribute by encouraging restraint and supporting credible negotiations.<\/p>\n

For now, the UAE\u2019s public alignment with Ethiopia and Saudi Arabia\u2019s diplomatic record offer different potential channels for engagement. Whether either country can turn those relationships into a meaningful contribution towards de-escalation remains unresolved.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n

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Addis Ababa, Ethiopia \u2013 As renewed fighting in Ethiopia\u2019s Tigray region threatens to destabilise the Horn of Africa, public backing by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of Ethiopia\u2019s federal government and Saudi Arabia\u2019s record of regional diplomacy are drawing scrutiny. Both Gulf powers have strategic interests in the Horn of Africa, but their roles differ….<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":8314,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"rop_custom_images_group":[],"rop_custom_messages_group":[],"rop_publish_now":"initial","rop_publish_now_accounts":{"facebook_2277560469115098_106292521332774":"","twitter_aToxNzczMzI3Njk4OTg4ODUxMjAxOw==_1773327698988851200":""},"rop_publish_now_history":[],"rop_publish_now_status":"pending","_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_templately_pack_id":"","_templately_imported_at":"","_templately_source":"","_templately_import_session_id":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[11],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-8313","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-international-news"],"aioseo_notices":[],"aioseo_head":"\n\t\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t